By Hans Halberstadt
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A majority of reproductive services is ostensibly provided by these ANMs. In theory, the ANMs are expected to “provide a variety of regular services to pregnant women”—medical checkups, distribution of essential medicines and vitamins, administration of injections—as well as to assist in their deliveries whenever required (Shariff and Singh 2002, 11). But over the years, the focus of ANMs has undergone a shift from basic community health and delivery services to targeted family planning (Mavalankar and Vora 2008).
An underlying tactic of the disciplinary project, the counseling, and the contract is to mystify the process of surrogacy. ” I demonstrate that for surrogates at Armaan clinic and hostel, “everyday divine” takes precedence over organized religion. The process of surrogacy and the doctor herself 53 are deified, while religious endogamy and prescriptions are underplayed. But apart from constructing such creative forms of divinity, the narratives of divinity are startling on another front. Previous ethnographies of surrogacy in other parts of the world have revealed that surrogates often construct the surrogate birth as their divine gift to the commissioning parents, and themselves as angels and messengers of God (Teman 2010).
Thereafter, the surrogates referred me to their friends, families, brokers, and other women who had already delivered. This awareness made me even more cautious about maintaining the surrogates’ privacy; I refrained from taking photographs (unless the surrogates wanted me to 42 take photographs with them), and I got their consent before starting any recorded conversation. Some surrogates refused to give me their real names, while some did not want me to record our conversations. Then there were others who insisted on being recorded and even got offended if I recorded their friends’ narratives and took only handwritten notes on their comments.